Tag Archives: Pakistan

Reflecting on Women Writing Punjabi History

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Gurdwara Sri Rori Sahib, Eminabad, Gujranwala (c) 2004 Pippa Virdee

A reflective essay on the lack of women in history writing and Punjab history. This was originally published in The Friday Times5 July 2019.

My first visit to Pakistan was in 2002. It was primarily to do research as a PhD student. At that time, I came with the religious baggage of belonging to a Sikh family and venturing into the known unknown. When I finally got my visa, I was very excited about travelling to the ‘near other’; unknown yet somehow familiar. After all, I rationalised, the cultural region of Punjab is, well, Punjab across both sides of the Radcliffe Line. And so, the journey into Pakistan’s history begun, a space in which the personal and the academic intermingled and boundaries became a metaphor for more than just the relationship between India and Pakistan.

The Sikhs in Pakistan are a small community; one of the smallest minorities in Pakistan. Exact numbers are difficult to estimate but they vary from around 6,000 to perhaps 20,000. They are largely concentrated around places like Peshawar, Nankana Sahib and Lahore. The interesting thing is that apart from the ethnic Punjabi Sikhs, many of the Sikhs that remained in Pakistan after 1947 were Pathan Sikhs. The latter were scattered in small numbers across Balochistan, Federally Administered Tribal Areas and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Most have been forced to relocate since, often seeking sanctuary in numbers. Though small, the Sikh community over the past few years has come to enjoy some state patronage. In an otherwise ‘Islamic’ milieu, Sikh men are easily identifiable by their turbans. Added to this are the old persistent colonial stereotypes of the Sikhs being a ‘martial’ race (even in Pakistan). And of course, the ‘Khalistani’ Sikhs have the sympathetic ears of the Pakistan establishment since the early 1980s. Thus, in Pakistan today, the medieval shadow of the Sikh-Muslim rivalry of Mughal India, as well as the pall of 1947 have receded to create a strange co-existence and a convenient acceptance of current realpolitik rather than a bitter dwelling in the past. However, this convenient relationship does not necessarily translate easily or well in the Sikh diaspora, especially here in the United Kingdom, where I am based.

While my main purpose for visiting Pakistan in 2002 was for my doctoral research, there was inevitably an interest to visit Sikh Gurdwaras and shrines; those remnants of pre-1947 which still existed. I have subsequently visited Pakistan more times than I can remember and have seen the changes in many of these shrines and their localities. Over the last 15 years, there has been a transformation of many of these shrines; from being small and poorly maintained to now being considered as one of the growing areas for pilgrim tourism in Pakistan. Every year, especially at the time of Vaisakhi and Guru Nanak’s birth anniversary, pilgrims come in their thousands from the UK, USA, Canada, which are home to significant Sikh diaspora communities. Depending on political temperatures, Indian Sikhs also make this pilgrim trip. For instance, this year, the Government of Pakistan issued 2,200 visas to Sikhs pilgrims in India for Vaisakhi. There is much trepidation amongst these of falling under the radar of intelligence agencies on both sides. Beyond the politics of two paranoid and securitised states though, growth in this tourism has benefitted local communities, as infrastructure around the ‘important’ shrines has improved to facilitate foreign tourists. These bring in the much-needed foreign exchange. They travel, stay, eat, drink, shop and thus spend their foreign currencies in Pakistan and, ultimately, some of this does make its way into the local economy. But this development is localised and centred around a handful of shrines, with the majority still largely neglected.

Social media and its ability to connect across borders, has spurred on a handful of people to seek adventure in Pakistan and document the ‘lost’ history of the Sikhs. Conversely, there has been more interest in these forgotten histories within Pakistan too. Combined with increased pilgrim tourism, there is almost a fascination and a sense of lost kinship that many Sikh Punjabis have with Pakistan and Pakistani Punjabis. These complex historicised feelings are under-girded by a common language, culture, biradari connections, and bhaichara. There is an old romantic connection that many have with reaching Lahore (formally Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s capital) captured in the phrase, Jis Lahore Nai Dekhya O Jamyai Nai/ Jine Lahore Nai Vekhya O Jamya Nai, meaning ‘One who has not seen Lahore has not been born’! This has been recited countless times and it helps to maintain the old pluralistic image of colonial Lahore. In this quest then, for the lost history of Sikhs in Pakistan, there has been a profusion of activity which has generated research in universities, fictional/non-fiction literature and pictorial books on Sikhs. These latter easily detract and divert from the difficult issues of politics, while sticking to the sites of nostalgia and neglect. Even the research at Pakistani universities (not exclusively though) is largely focused on the Ranjit Singh period (1801-39). When the bearded young man boasts of Ranjit Singh, of the contribution of the Punjabi (but usually Sikh) soldiers, of the great martial tradition, they rarely give women a thought.

These histories perpetuate and create a myth of the splendour associated with this lost history of the Sikhs. Even hard leftists have a soft spot for an otherwise unelected, unrepresentative, hereditary maharaja. While this greater interest and curiosity amongst scholars and students is welcome, it also serves to reinforce old stereotypes by avoiding the more difficult question of the broader issue of non-Islamic histories of Pakistan. Moreover, the study of history and its periodisation retains much of the colonial interpretations, hardly allowing us to interrogate these boundaries intellectually and dispassionately.

In the quest for academic “impact” and to connect with the general public, many academics in the west have been compelled to promote themselves. Social media again has been the route for this seemingly altruistic self-promotion. Articles, blogs and personal posts on social media, of travelling around Pakistan and bonding with the locals, for people’s immediate consumption and gratification. Moreover, the Punjabis express this in their usual flamboyant style of visiting their ‘lost’ Punjab, bonding with the local Punjabis and then sharing these ‘amazing’ bonding experiences. On closer inspection though, these all have something else in common. They are all invariably shared by men and are about their fraternal experiences. Statistically, we know that on average women are 26 percent less likely to own a mobile than men and 70 percent less likely to use mobile internet. Naturally, this means less women are visible and even when they are, they use it differently. Women largely use social networking to make connections and keep in touch with family or friends, in contrast men use social media to gather information they need to build influence. In South Asia, this discrepancy stems from the fact that men usually have better educational opportunities, have mobile phones, have greater levels of digital literacy, and this advantage over women fuels their privileged status.

Much of this social conditioning starts from the home, through to schools and universities. The social system perpetuates and emboldens men, making them entitled from a young age. As young women, we often have to fight our way to pursue our aspirations and dreams. Wanting to study politics and history at university for me was not easy because this was not considered an appropriate subject for a girl, even though it eventually reaped rewards. Universities themselves are supposed to be some of the most intellectually progressive spaces but actually they are not. They are just a reflection of society itself. They have the same prejudices and reflect the same class, caste, gender biases that society has. This is reflected in the largely male student body in South Asia, and although the number of girls is increasing and often, they perform better, many still see this as way of improving their choice of marriage partners. This is not a criticism of their desire to improve their lives, but rather a reflection of the limited value of education. The staff fraternity also tends to be male-dominated, especially the senior staff. Although this is no better than in the UK where the Royal Historical Society recently published a study on Race, Ethnicity and Equality (2018) and found that there was an over-whelming dominance of white male professors compared to females and the numbers are even smaller for those from Black and Ethnic minorities.

These centres of learning, therefore, do not reflect the voices of everyone because even here, the skewed societal power structures remain intact. Men control the institutions and therefore they control the narrative. They are the gatekeepers of knowledge and learning and without challenging these structures the narrative cannot be changed.

My experiences of being a (Sikh) woman living and working in Pakistan (largely Lahore and the Punjab) has been quite ordinary in many ways and extraordinary in other ways. I have never been given a free taxi ride; unlike the numerous accounts one reads of visiting Sikhs (i.e. Sikh men) who have struck a long-lost kinship with the taxi driver, who then from the kindness of his heart refuses to charge the client. In fact, I have struggled to speak with taxi drivers and men in public spaces in Punjabi because they consider this to be impolite. Unlike men, I am usually compelled to speak in the Urdu, which imposes a certain level of distance and formality to the conversation. While I cannot have my ‘bromances’ with most of those around me, I can, however, quietly enter the zenana spaces. And these, like the history pages that neglect them, are often hidden away.

I have learnt over the years that women, whether in South Asia or in the West, do not boast of their achievements. They work like ants, running around, keeping busy and building structures out of crumbs. The obstacles they encounter en route can be difficult and they are not always successful. More often than not they will encounter men who are in positions of authority and wield substantial power over the lives (and bodies) both in the home and the outside world. And the outside world is designed by men and for the needs of men. They would rarely acknowledge the privileged position they have in the home and the outside world and the freedom this gives them.

While I have spent many years working in Pakistan, on Punjab’s history, I have rarely felt the need to write about my “non-academic” experiences. The motivation has largely come from the fact that despite all these years, there is still not enough progress and even today there are few female historians coming forward. Even today we are judged on how we look, what we wear rather than what we think and write. Intellectually there is a stale and over-bearing concern for constantly writing about conflict, nationalism, religion, battles, and hero-worshipping; a reflection perhaps of an insecure male society that seeks glory from former victories to validate its present. The only way we can get diversity in the way we view and write about our history is to have that diversity in the people who write it. As a society we need to challenge these hyper-masculinised and hyper-nationalised histories that distort our past and shape our future. If we want to be part of the narrative, we have to take responsibility for writing it. As women we need to make ourselves visible in both the past and the present.

The Artisans of the Walled City of Lahore — Harry Johnstone

Perched outside his workshop in Lahore’s Walled City, Mohamed Tahir plays a harmonium while watching the passing melee. The melancholy sounds of the instrument are barely audible over the din of motorbikes and wheel cutters, but still they evoke something of Lahore’s history, a world that lives on beneath the dust and frantic rhythms of […]

via The Artisans of the Walled City of Lahore — harryjohnstone

The secret to women’s success…

13 Jul 1952 5523
The Pakistan Times, Sunday July 13, 1952

The Lahore Gymkhana Club

 

The Lahore Gymkhana Club is a place I have been able to visit on many occasions. It is an exclusive club for the elite in Lahore with a long waiting list for membership. The Club’s website proudly reads:

Gymkhana; A World in its Own

Donning chinos and a polo shirt while sinking a birdie putt on the 15th hole, the retired bureaucrat on the lush pastures of the eclectic golf course continues being oblivious to the disrupting traffic outside the boundary walls, while the eminent 70-year-old writer sketching out a plot for his highly anticipated sequel continues penning down characters originating from his ever so powerful imagination in the same library that he’s been sitting for the last 30 years. A group of ex-service men calmly carry on the tradition of expressing ambivalent opinions on the country’s next elections while making an opening bid in the card room, and some foreign delegates continue analyzing aspects of the much debated foreign policy while sipping their cappuccinos and lattes in the serene view of the golf course.

An idea that took the shape of a property in the 1870’s, is an identity in itself today. The Lahore Gymkhana membership continues to comprise of individuals inhabiting top positions in their respective fields, such as government ministries, armed forces, banks, MNC’s, sports, the judiciary and the media, both nationally and internationally. Together, they ensure the prestige of the club.

The original Gymkhana was actually founded as The Lahore and Mian Mir Institute in 1878 in Lawrence Gardens, opposite the Governor House. The Club was based in the Lawrence and Montgomery Halls (named after Sir John Laird Mair Lawrence, first Chief Commissioner (1853-57) and Viceroy of India (1863-69) and Robert Montgomery, second Lt. Governor of the Punjab (1859-65) respectively).

In 1906, the name changed to the Lahore Gymkhana and in 1972 the two halls were taken over by the Punjab Government and the Gymkhana club was relocated to the newly built facility at The Upper Mall, where it currently stands.

Hobson-Jobson. A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive, a historical dictionary of Anglo-Indian words and terms from Indian languages that came into use during the British rule of India. It was complied by Henry Yule and Arthur Coke Burnell and first published in 1886; it has been in print ever since. The dictionary takes you into the world of nineteenth century British India and connects provides the reader with a definition and etymology of words/phrases. The Club’s statement on its website and the world of nineteenth century colonial British India are not too dissimilar. The entry for the Gymkhana in Hobson-Jobson reads:

GYM-KHANA, s. This word is quite modern, and was unknown 40 years ago. The first use we can trace is (on the authority of Maior John Trotter) at Rurki in 1861, when a gymkhana was instituted there. It is a factitious word, invented, we believe, in the Bombay Presidency and probably based upon gend-khilna (‘ball-house’) the name usually given in Hind. to an English racket-court. It is applied to a place of public resort at a station, where the needful facilities for athletics and games of sorts are provided, including (when that was in fashion) a skating-rink, a lawn-tennis ground, and so forth. The gym may have been simply a corruption of gend shaped by gymnastics [of which the English public school short form gym passed into Anglo-Indian jargon]. The word is also applied to a meeting for such sports; and in this sense it has travelled already as far as Malta, and has since become common among Englishmen abroad. [The suggestion that the word originated in the P.-H. jamd’at-khana, ‘a place of assemblage,’ is not probable.]

  1. – “Their, proposals are that the Cricket Club should include in their programme the games, &c., proposed by the promoters of a gymkhana Club, so far as not to interfere with cricket, and should join in making a rink and lawn-tennis, and badminton courts, within the cricket-ground enclosure.” – Pioneer Mail, Nov, 3.

  2. – “Mr. A-F- can always be depended on for epigram, but not for accuracy. In his letters from Burma he talks of the Gymkhana at Rangoon as a sort of establissement [sic] where people have pleasant little dinners. In the ‘Oriental Arcadia,’ which Mr. F- tells us is flavoured with naughtiness, people may do strange things, but they do not dine at Gymkhanas.” –lbid. July 2.

  3. – “R. E. Gymkhana at Malta, for Polo and other Ponies, 20th June, 1881.” Heading in Royal Engineer Journal, Aug. 1, p. 159.

  4. – “I am not speaking of Bombay people with their clubs and gymkhanas and other devices for oiling the wheels of existence….” – Tribes on My Frontier, 9.

Read more about the Lahore Gymkhana since 1947.

Visit the Lahore Gymkhana website.

‘It’s a special place’ – the 101-year history of the Indian Gymkhana cricket club in The Guardian.

India News Review 82

Produced by the Films Division, Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, these short news reviews by the Government of India give us a glimpse of old India. Produced one-year after Partition/Independence, the review shows Pandit Nehru in Karachi, messages of inter-communal harmony, tolerance and equality at the Urs of Ajmer Sharif Dargah, elephant diplomacy in the US, dance, theatre and hockey matches.

 

Roti, Communist aur Makaan

The Pakistan Times, 1 October, 1950. Qualification. “How I got the house allotted? You should know that a remote cousin of my wife’s brother-in-law happens to be a peon in the Rehabilitation Department.”

Qualification PT
© 2019 Pippa Virdee

 

The Pakistan Times, 16 September 1950, “They were demanding bread.” “Communists–Aren’t They?”

Communist PT
© 2019 Pippa Virdee

“Women’s World: Pakistanis in England”

pt 10 sep 1950Women’s World in The Pakistan Times, Sunday September 10, 1950.

Pakistanis in England by Christabel Taseer

On July last, after receiving the blessings of the Patron of the Pakistan Girl Guides Association, Miss Fatima Jinnah, the Pakistan delegation to the Thirteenth Session of the World Conference of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts at Oxford consisting of Begum Khalid Malik, Begum Taseer, Begum Abul Hassan and Mrs Pastakia, left Karachi by air. With us were our two Pakistani Girl Guides, Samina Anwar Ali and Nuzhat Mueenuddin, who were travelling to Switzerland to take part in a World Guide Camp organised by America. We reached Cairo, where we intended to break our journey for the night. As we passed through the Customs the Egyptian officials looked with great interest at our shalwars and qameezes.
“You are Pakistanis?” they asked.
We nodded.

Why are you going to England?” was the question.

“To take part in a ‘World Conference of Girl Guides at Oxford”, we replied.

Their faces were wreathing in smiles as they sald: “That’s excellent. Go and do your best, so that your country may be proud of you!” This was our first personal experience of the friendly ties which bind Muslims all over the world.

The second came at Lyndhurst in Hampshire, when we delegates from different countries were attending demonstrations of British Guiding, One day, (just after Eid), we were walking across the grass to a Ranger camp, wearing our white and green Guide uniforms, when a young woman dressed English Guide uniform came running quickly towards us.
“Tell me, are you Pakistani Muslims?” she cried,
We answered “yes” and looked at her eager face In surprise.

“I, too, am a Muslim, a Turkish Muslim from Cyprus,” she replied, “and I am here for Guide training. I am so very happy to see you, particularly because you are Muslims like myself. Here I am the only Muslim in the camp. Yesterday was Eid and there was no one with whom to share the happiness of that day.”

We all embraced with enthusiasm and sat down to talk about our respective counties and about Guiding, there. We parted with regret at the end of our stay, but again at Oxford, at the wind-up of our ten days’ Conference, when we had a huge Camp Fire of 10,000 Girl Guides from all over England, there, as all the delegates from the twenty-four countries represented marched slowly across the huge field to their respective places, there in front of everybody, leaning across the ropes, waiting to shake our hands in friendship, was our Turkish friend from Cyprus, Hatlee Tahsin!

From the moment we Pakistani delegates appeared in uniform in English, whether in London of Lyndhurst or Oxford, we attracted attention. People had become used to the dark-blue Guide uniforms of the British, the green of the Americans, the khaki of the Greeks, even to the dark-blue saris of the Indians – but spotless while starched shalwars and qameezes, with folded dark green dupattas and green ties and white shoes, were something quite out of the ordinary. Wherever we went we were surrounded by photographers and Girl Guides, and questioned by people – “How do you keep your uniforms so clean?” “Do you really wear such clothes in your country?” By the time we had been in England for two weeks, wherever we went, whether we were in uniform or wearing silk salwar and qameez or garara, people knew that ours was the dress of Pakistan.

But we found that many people, particularly the Guide delegates from the smaller European countries, still did not know where Pakistan was, and we often had to bring out a map and point out our country to them. We had to answer many questions about our food and general living habits, social customs, education, position of women, the meaning of purdah. People were tremendously interested in us as a country and full of admiration for the progress we had made in the last three years. Many people said that it must be a wonderful experience to be in a new country, where everything has to be built up by one’s own efforts.

GREAT EXPERIENCE

The Conference itself which took place in St Hugh’s College, Oxford, was a great experience. Here in the Conference Hall were hung the flags of the twenty-four nations represented at the Conference, whose delegates, of faiths as divergent as Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, Muslim, Hindu, Parsee, had met because they were united by a common purpose, viz, to work for the girl and women of the world. Think of the magnitude of the of the movement stated in 1910, which is such that a girl from Pakistan or Egypt can stop a girl who is wearing the Guide badge on the street in America or England, shake her by the hand, call her sister, and at once be friends with her. Our two Pakistani Girl Guides, who had never been abroad before, were received in London with affection and friendship, because they were Girl Guides and they were able to travel on to Switzerland with American, English and Australian Guides whom they had never seen before, but with whom they at once felt at ease.

11 LANGUAGES

In our Conference Hall, women used to chat in eleven different languages, there were women from seven countries who knew more French than English, we had an American Chairman, an English Vice-Chairman, a Belgian translator, and so on, but we were all one. For ten days at Oxford we sat and discussed subjects as diverse as training programmes, camping, finances, public relations, constitution, future policy, – sometimes in English, sometimes in French,- we were entertained in castles and palaces and country homes, we were received in Buckingham Palace by Her Majesty the Queen, we listened to concerts, saw pageants and displays of dancing, and ended a very full fifteen days’ programmes with the gigantic Camp Fire programme at Oxford, on the 29th July, which was attended by 10,000 Guides from all parts of England and which was presided over by Princess Margaret. The Camp Fire was a stupendous sight. An enormous field filled with a sea of faces, all cheering lustily as the delegates from the twenty-four countries marched slowly across the field. Over 10,000girls and women were singing the songs which are known to the two and a half million Guides all over the world, all friendly and united because they were all Guides who had taken the same promised of service to mankind and who all lived recording to the precepts of the ten Guide laws. There they all were – over 10,000 of them, representing the two and a half million Guides in the jungles of Africa, the mountains of Switzerland, the forest of Canada, the Philippine Islands, the plains of Pakistan – Guides from large towns and tiny villages, of different races and creeds and cultures, all different, but nevertheless all one.

Anarkali: the myth, legend and public history.

Located in the heart of the Punjab civil secretariat, Lahore, the octagonal shaped building is a legacy of Emperor Jehangir. The grandeur of the Mughal-era building and the tomb inside is a marvel. After numerous incarnations, the tomb today is home to the Punjab Archives and is more popularly known as simply Anarkali. Taking the name from the celebrated relationship between Prince Saleem (Jahangir) and Anarkali (Sharif un-Nissa aka Nadira Begum), a courtesan in the court of Emperor Akbar. There are many different accounts of this relationship and the death of Anarkali, with little history authenticity. Whether she died naturally or under more mysterious circumstances or whether Akbar ordered her to be buried alive in a wall. We may never know the truth, but the legend and the myth of the passionate affair between Saleem and Anarkali has inspired many.

Anarkali: myth, mystery and history

The Film: 60 years on, Mughal-E-Azam continues to make waves

The drama: Alain Desoulieres, Historical Fiction and Style: The Case of Anarkali, The Annual of Urdu Studies 

The many incarnations of the tomb:

‘The tomb of Anarkali is one of the most significant buildings of the Mughal period. It is an ingeniously planned octagonal building. Circular in shape and roofed by a lofty dome, the tomb once surrounded a garden, called Anarkali Garden, but during the last couple of hundred years it has been put to several uses. Under the Sikhs, the mausoleum was occupied by Kharak Singh. Later it served as the residence of General Ventura, the Italian General of Ranjit Singh’s army. Under the British, the tomb was converted into Church (a protestant Church) in 1851 right after 2 years of British Control on Lahore. Few years later, it was converted to St. James’ Church in 1857 till 1891. Since then, it has been used as Punjab Archives Museum with an amazing treasure for those interested in the history of British Punjab.’ Story of Anarkali and her Tomb at Lahore.

An extract on the Tomb Anarkali from R.E.M Wheeler, Five Thousand Years of Pakistan: An Archaeological outline. With a Preface by Fazlur Rahman. Royal Book Company, first published in 1950. Page 84.

Anarkali or “Pomegranate Blossom” was the nickname of an attractive girl who was brought up in Abkar’s harem and was suspected by the emperor of carrying on an intrigue with prince Salim, afterwards the emperor Jahangir. The story is variously told, but it would appear that the girl was barbarously executed in the year A.D. 1599. When Salim came to the throne, he strove to make some amends for the tragedy by building a large tomb over her grave. This tomb stands in the ground of the Punjab Secretariat to the south of the old city, and has passed through vicissitudes which have concealed all its original decoration. It is hexagonal on plan, with a domed octagonal tower at each corner, and is crowned by a central dome on a tall cylindrical drum. After 1851 it was used as a Christian church, and for this purpose the arched openings in the eight sides were wholly or partially walled in, a gallery (now removed) was constructed in the interior with an external staircase, and the whole structure was whitewashed internally and externally. The large monolithic marble gravestone had already been moved out of the building in the Sikh period, when the tomb was turned into a residence, amongst the occupants being General Ventura, the famous Italian officer of the Sikh Government. The stone was subsequently replaced by the British within the tomb, but in one of the side bays, not in its original central position. It has been stated that the actual grave was also moved to the present site of the gravestone, but digging in 1940 in the middle of the building revealed the former still intact five feet below the present floor, in its proper place. From accounts of the discovery, the grave would appear to be of plastered brickwork. The building is now used as the Punjab Record Office.

The gravestone bears well-cut inscriptions which include the date of the death of Anarkali with the words “In Lahore” and the date of the construction of the tomb (A.D. 1615). It also bears the ninety-nine attributes of God, and a poignant couplet,
obviously composed by Jahangir himself, which may be translated thus:

“Ah, could I behold the face of my beloved once more,
I would give thanks unto my God until the day of resurrection.”

Elsewhere on the marble are the words: ” The profoundly enamoured Salim, son of Akbar.”

It is for these inscriptions, and for the vast size of the building which reinforces their
sincerity, that the tomb is noteworthy, rather than for any special architectural quality.

Today the documents belong to the people of Punjab at the Punjab Archives are being digitised for posterity, and will hopefully allow historians to view untapped accounts and records. This is a mammoth task but at least the process itself has started. See the project website: http://dap.itu.edu.pk/