Tag Archives: history

Notes from Portugal: Lagos to Goa (Part 1)

Forte da Ponta da Bandeira (C) Pippa Virdee 2024

It was the winter solstice recently, the shortest day of the year. I find these short winter days difficult, with tiredness and an inability to function beyond sunset. To escape the grey, dull, and wet winters that dominates England now, like many others there, I too like to escape to more sunny pastures.

As I hadn’t been to the Algarve previously, I found the most exquisite guest house, decorated in a North African Arabic style. For many centuries, this “region was ruled by Arabic-speaking Muslims known as Moors. In the 8th c., Muslims sailed from North Africa and took control of what is now Portugal and Spain. Known in Arabic as Al-Andalus, the region joined the expanding Umayyad Empire and prospered under Muslim rule.

 “In 1249, King Afonso III of Portugal captured Faro, the last Muslim stronghold in Algarve. Most Muslims there were killed, fled to territory controlled by Muslims, or converted to Christianity, but a small minority were allowed to stay in segregated neighbourhoods.” In 1496, King Manuel I expelled all Jews and Muslims, turning the kingdom exclusively Christian.

Sao Goncalo Door (C) Pippa Virdee 2024

Lagos: From Capital to Catastrophe

View towards the harbour
(C) Pippa Virdee 2024

Between 1576 and 1755, Lagos served as the capital of the Algarve region, a time when it stood as a bustling Portuguese city. Unfortunately, the devastating earthquake of 1755, followed by a tsunami, brought widespread destruction, reshaping the city’s character. Today, only fragments of the 16th c. walls and structures remain, such as the Governor’s Castle (Castelo dos Governadores), offering a glimpse into its illustrious past. Much of the Lagos we see today, with its charming streets and architecture, dates from the 17th c. and later, reflecting its rebirth after the calamity.

The Age of Discovery: Lagos’ Golden Era

D. Henrique looking towards the Atlantic (C) Pippa Virdee 2024

The history of Lagos is intertwined with one of Portugal’s most celebrated periods, the so-called “Age of Discovery”. During the 15th c., under the direction of Infante Henry the Navigator—the third son of King John I—Lagos became the hub of Portuguese exploration. From this strategic coastal city, expeditions were launched to Morocco and the western coast of Africa, setting the stage for a new era of global trade and navigation. The harbour bustled with activity, as shipbuilders crafted caravels—sleek, fast ships ideal for exploration—and sailors prepared to navigate uncharted waters.

Lagos and the European Slave Trade

While the Age of Discovery brought economic prosperity and technological advancements, it also marked a darker chapter in history. Lagos became a central hub for the European slave trade. In 1444, the first African slaves arrived in Lagos, sparking a grim trade that would expand throughout Europe and beyond. The Mercado de Escravos (Slave Market), now a museum, stands as a sobering reminder of this era, preserving the memory of those who suffered under the system of slavery. Beyond the slave trade, Lagos thrived as a centre for goods such as spices, textiles, and gold, turning it into a key player in Europe’s burgeoning global economy. The city’s rich maritime heritage is still celebrated today. Monuments, such as the striking statue of Infante Henry, honour Lagos’ historical significance, while museums delve into its role in the expansion of Portugal’s empire.

Vasco da Gama and the Portuguese Monopoly on the Indian Ocean

The voyages of Vasco da Gama marked a defining moment in global exploration and trade. His expeditions (1497–99, 1502–03, and 1524) were the first to successfully connect Europe with Asia via the Cape of Good Hope. This cemented Portugal’s dominance in maritime exploration and also laid the foundation for a century-long monopoly in the Indian Ocean.

In 1497, Vasco da Gama set sail from Lisbon with a fleet of four ships through the Atlantic Ocean to reach the Indian subcontinent in 1498. His arrival in Calicut (Kozhikode) marked the beginning of direct European trade with Asia, giving Portugal access to highly sought-after goods like spices, textiles, and precious stones. This sea route transformed global trade, while boosting Portugal’s economy and influence.

The success of Vasco da Gama’s voyages encouraged further Portuguese expansion into Asia, with trading posts and colonies established along the coasts of Africa, the Middle East, and India. By 1500, Portugal had become a maritime powerhouse, dominating European trade in the Indian Ocean and establishing itself as a global empire.

Réplica da Caravela Boa Esperanca (C) Pippa Virdee 2024

The Strategic Importance of Goa

While Portuguese explorers visited various parts of India, it was Goa that became the jewel in their colonial crown. Acquired in 1510 by Afonso de Albuquerque, Goa offered a strategically defensible location and excellent harbour facilities on both sides of the island. Its position on the west coast of India allowed the Portuguese to control maritime trade routes and establish a stronghold for further expansion into Asia. Goa quickly grew into a bustling hub of commerce, blending Portuguese and Indian cultures.

The Portuguese monopoly in the Indian Ocean lasted until the late-16th c., when other European powers like the Dutch and the English began challenging their dominance. However, the impact of Vasco da Gama’s voyages and the establishment of Portuguese colonies in Asia cannot be understated. These ventures not only reshaped global trade but also led to a lasting exchange of cultures, technologies, and ideas.

Afonso de Albuquerque’s Vision for Goa

When Afonso de Albuquerque captured Goa, he envisioned it not as a mere fortified trading station, but as a full-fledged colony and naval base. Unlike the temporary establishments the Portuguese had built along other Indian coastal cities, Goa was meant to be permanent. Albuquerque encouraged his men to integrate with the local population, fostering intermarriage with local women and encouraging settlement. This strategy was instrumental in creating a privileged Eurasian class, whose descendants formed the backbone of Goa’s colonial society.

Goa quickly grew into a flourishing hybrid settlement, a hub for trade, agriculture, and artisanship, with the influence of the Roman Catholic Church introducing a new dimension to the region. Old Goa, often called the “Rome of the East,” was adorned with magnificent churches, including the Basilica of Bom Jesus and Se Cathedral, reflecting the grandeur of Portuguese architecture.

The Decline of Portuguese Rule

By the mid-20th c., the Portuguese control over India was becoming increasingly untenable. While British rule ended in 1947 and French territories were gradually integrated into India by 1954, Portugal resisted relinquishing its hold. Tensions escalated as Indian nationalists campaigned for the incorporation of Goa and other territories. In 1961, the situation came to a head.

Dadra and Nagar Haveli had already been absorbed into India by August of that year, and on December 19, Indian forces launched “Operation Vijay,” a military invasion of Goa. The operation swiftly ended Portuguese rule, and Goa, along with Damão and Diu, was incorporated into the Republic of India. The fall of Goa marked the end of nearly 450 years of Portuguese presence in India.

Watch this video by BBC News India with accounts of those who fought for independence from Portugal. 

A Lasting Legacy

Despite the end of colonial rule, Portugal’s influence remains deeply ingrained in Goan culture. Four and a half centuries of intermarriage, religious conversion, and linguistic exchange created a distinct identity. Catholicism continues to be a major religion in Goa, and the Konkani language still carries traces of Portuguese vocabulary. The architecture of Old Goa, with its grand churches and baroque facades, stands as a testament to this shared history.

The cultural legacy of Portuguese rule can also be seen in Goan cuisine, music, and festivals, which blend Indian and European traditions in a way that is uniquely Goan. From the spicy vindaloo curry to the lively strains of fado music, the echoes of Portugal are impossible to miss. Ironically both Lagos and Goa are today known more as tourist destinations with their bustling beaches and vibrant nightlife; their connected past remains in fragments, scattered and visible to those who seek.

To follow…Notes from Lagos (Portugal): from Punjab to Lagos (Part 2)

Women, Violence and the Silences: 1984

© Pippa Virdee 2024

Forty years ago, Delhi witnessed some of the worst violence since 1947. It was the events of October-November 1984, that prompted Urvashi Butalia to revisit the Partition of 1947 and to excavate the history of the violence that was perpetrated towards women. Both 1947 and 1984 have left indelible scars on the people and region. The opening in her book, The Other Side of Silence (1998), is worth quoting detail:

“Then, in October 1984 the prime minister, Indira Gandhi, was assassinated by her security guards, both Sikhs. For days afterwards Sikhs all over India were attacked in an orgy of violence and revenge. Many homes were destroyed and thousands died. In the outlying suburbs of Delhi more than three thousand were killed, often by being doused in kerosene and then set alight. They died horrible, macabre deaths. Black burn marks on the ground showed where their bodies had lain. The government – now headed by Mrs Gandhi’s son Rajiv remained indifferent, but several citizens’ groups came together to provide relief, food and shelter. I was among the hundreds of people who worked in these groups. Every day, while we were distributing food and blankets, compiling lists of the dead and missing, and helping with compensation claims, we listened to the stories of the people who had suffered. Often older people, who had come to Delhi as refugees in 1947, would remember that they had been through a similar terror before. ‘We didn’t think it could happen to us in our own country,’ they would say. This is like Partition again.” (Page 4-5) “It took 1984 to make me understand how ever-present Partition was in our lives too, to recognize that it could not be so easily put away inside the covers of history books. I could no longer pretend that this was a history that belonged to another time, to someone else.” (page 6)

But history keeps repeating itself, again and again. In 1984, people still had fresh memories of 1947, and so those three days of carnage evoked the spectre of Partition once again. Yet each time this happens, there is collective amnesia and each time there is no justice for the “chief sufferers”, the women who bear the brunt of political-communal violence. Below are a selection of articles and abstracts available on the subject and organised chronologically. At the end, there is a recent documentary by The Quint on “The Kaurs of 1984” which brings to the fore the accounts of the women who endured this and who have continued their fight for justice. .

The Justice G.T. Nanavati commission was a one-man commission, a retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India, appointed by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government in May 2000, to investigate the “killing of innocent Sikhs” during the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. The report was finally published in 2005.

Mander, Harsh. “Conflict and Suffering: Survivors of Carnages in 1984 and 2002.” Economic and Political Weekly (2010): 57-65. Even through these were separated by 18 years of history, there is tragically a great deal in common between the communal massacres that played out on the streets of Delhi in 1984 and in settlements and bye-lanes across Gujarat in 2002. This paper documents some of the findings of the research conducted with survivors of these two major pogroms over more than a year in the widows’ colony established by the Delhi government in Tilak Vihar and in four of the worst-hit district of Gujarat. It examines the paths of suffering, renegotiation and healing separately for the direct victims and the vicariously affected.

Kaur, Ravinder. “Wound, Waste, History Rereading 1984.” Economic and Political Weekly (2014): 34-38. Wounds are expected to heal. Our very conception of victims and victimhood is based on this hopeful axiom. But not all wounds heal, some remain in a constant state of decay, degenerate, and ultimately risk turning into waste too. It is this possibility of waste that this article explores. The 1984 violence is one of those historical wounds that has neither faded from public memory nor fully healed. At the heart of this unhealing wound is the question of justice that has long been denied to the victims. The judicial affidavits prepared in early 1985 not only narrate the violence that unfolded systematically, but three decades later testify to the inability of the state apparatus to help heal its wounded citizens

Saluja, Anshu. 2015. “Engaging with Women’s Words and Their Silences: Mapping 1984 and Its Aftermath.” Sikh Formations 11 (3): 343–65. doi:10.1080/17448727.2015.1102554. In studying the 1984 pogrom and its aftermath, I have attempted to capture the voices of women of succeeding generations of the victim families and to gauge some sense of the arduous path which these women have had to tread on. In the present paper, I have examined and assessed the ways and means which women survivors of the 1984 pogrom have relied on to cope with their sense of trauma and hurt, and to negotiate everyday existence. In accounts seeking to document and map the experiences of trauma survivors, the themes which they raise and the issues that they speak of are taken into cognisance, while the gaps in their speech often remain unnoticed and unexplained. But these silences and gaps need to be recognised and highlighted as much as the speech of the survivors. Women survivors of 1984 also do not speak of their own agency, leaving it mostly unarticulated in words. Gauging a sense of this requires going beyond the words that are spoken and attempting, even if tentatively, to unravel and interpret the silences.

Kaur, Ishmeet. “Narrating the Experience: Oral Histories and Testimonies of the 1984 anti-Sikh Carnage Victims.” Journal of Punjab Studies 23 (2016). http://giss.org/jsps_vol_23/6_kaur.pdf This essay attempts to understand the word “testimony” and asks how oral histories can also become testimonial. It considers how new histories can unfold from oral accounts of the victims in the context of 1984 anti-Sikh carnage in Delhi. It argues that formal testimonies may misrepresent events by diminishing the gravity of the violence experienced by the victims, while oral narrations may be considered useful historical sources. As a case study, we consider selected affidavits submitted to Nanavati Commission in 2000, as well as oral narratives of the survivors recorded during a field visit to the Tilak Vihar widow’s colony in April 2015.

Arora, Kamal. “Legacies of violence: Sikh women in Delhi’s” Widow Colony”.” PhD diss., University of British Columbia, 2017. https://open.library.ubc.ca/soa/cIRcle/collections/ubctheses/24/items/1.0343994 This dissertation examines how Sikh women who survived the anti-Sikh massacre in 1984 in Delhi, India, cope with the long-term legacies of violence and trauma amid the backdrop of the urban space of the city. After the assassination of then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards, approximately thirty-five hundred Sikh men were killed in October and November 1984. Many of the survivors, Sikh widows and their families, were relocated shortly after to the “Widow Colony,” a designated slum also known as Tilak Vihar, within the boundary of Tilak Nagar in West Delhi, as a means of rehabilitation and compensation. The work arises from fieldwork carried out between December 2012 and March 2014. I begin by discussing in depth the space of the Widow Colony and its relation to the rest of the city of Delhi. I then analyze the events of the 1984 massacre through the narratives of Sikh widows and how they remember their experiences of violence. I discuss how violence can have long-term ramifications for everyday life in arenas such as kinship networks, economic stability, health and wellness, and social life. These experiences are further amplified by gender, caste, and class. I also examine the impact of the stigma of widowhood in this community. This research seeks to interrogate how memories of violence inform, and are constituted by, embodied, affective practices carried out in a gendered space produced by the state. I argue that Sikh widows cope with long-term trauma by creating new forms of sociality and memory through their everyday lives and religious practices in the Widow Colony. The memory of the 1984 violence figures heavily among the Sikh diaspora. Thus, I also explore the relationship between the Widow Colony and Sikhs in the transnational arena.

Arora, Kamal, ““I Get Peace:” Gender and Religious Life in a Delhi Gurdwara” Religions 11, no. 3: 135 2020. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel11030135 In October and November of 1984, after the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards, approximately 3500 Sikh men were killed in Delhi, India. Many of the survivors—Sikh widows and their kin—were relocated thereafter to the “Widow Colony”, also known as Tilak Vihar, within the boundary of Tilak Nagar in West Delhi, as a means of rehabilitation and compensation. Within this colony lies the Shaheedganj Gurdwara, frequented by widows and their families. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, I explore the intersections between violence, widowhood, and gendered religious practice in this place of worship. Memories of violence and experiences of widowhood inform and intersect with embodied religious practices in this place. I argue that the gurdwara is primarily a female place; although male-administered, it is a place that, through women’s practices, becomes a gendered counterpublic, allowing women a place to socialize and heal in an area where there is little public space for women to gather. The gurdwara has been re-appropriated away from formal religious practice by these widows, functioning as a place that enables the subversive exchange of local knowledges and viewpoints and a repository of shared experiences that reifies and reclaims gendered loss.

Agarwal, Yamini. Urban Marginalization, Exclusion and Education-the Widows’ Colony in Delhi. Bonn: Max-Weber-Stiftung-Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, 2020. This paper examines the many exclusions and marginalities experienced in urban neighbourhoods which are formed as a result of communal violence. It draws on an ethnographic study of Tilak Vihar, also known as the Colony of Widows, where the survivors of the 1984 anti-Sikh violence were resettled. By examining their life histories, the paper explores how women survivors have been caught up in a vicious circle of poverty and lack of educational and occupational opportunities due to their location in a highly stigmatized and gendered space. This has affected the education of their children, as reflected in limited school choices and poverty forcing young people to drop out of schools to fend for their families. The paper also looks into the role of community groups in Tilak Vihar, which have become the main source of support for families given the retreat of the state from this space. The paper underscores the everyday violence that survivors experience due to their gender and spatial location.

Saluja, Anshu. “Gendered Erasures in Memory: Silencing of Cases of Sexual Violence in 1984.” Sikh Formations 20 (3): 149–63, 2024. doi:10.1080/17448727.2024.2384843. In this paper, I have addressed the issue of sexual violence in the specific context of the 1984 anti-Sikh carnage in Delhi. Though a significant number of cases of sexual assault took place in Delhi in November 1984, they have largely remained shrouded in obscurity. I have attempted to analyse the reasons, prompting a near total silence on these instances. In undertaking this inquiry, the paper reflects on the selective, and often disempowering, nature of memory-making and preservation. It goes on to ask the critical question: what constitutes legitimate memory?

Kaur, Jasleen, and Vinita Mohindra. “Spectral Wounds of 1984: Sikh Massacre in Harpreet Kaur’s The Widow Colony: India’s Unsettled Settlement.” Sikh Formations, March, 1–11, 2024. doi:10.1080/17448727.2024.2321416. In 1984, Sikhs were massacred following the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Cultural expressions attempt to foreground the haunting legacies of this genocide. This paper explores Harpreet Kaur’s documentary, The Widow Colony- India’s Unsettled Settlement which unfolds as trauma testimony of the understudied conflict, contextualizing the spectral wounds of Sikh widows and their struggle for survival. Using hauntology and postmemory as critical lens, this article examines the spectral wounds of 1984 Sikh genocide. It also focuses on the gendered dimensions of violence against Sikh women by enunciating their doubly victimized sensibility through their experiences of shame, trauma and suffering.

Kaur, Jasleen, and Vinita Mohindra. “(Un)Dead Past of 1984 Sikh Massacre in Jaspreet Singh’s Helium.” Sikh Formations, September, 1–19, 2024. doi:10.1080/17448727.2024.2408859. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s assassination followed the 1984 state-sanctioned massacre of Sikhs. This historical violence haunts survivors, and its mediation in cultural texts reshapes the interplay between history and memory, voicing forgotten narratives. However, the complex historical agency and collective silences on the 1984 Sikh genocide leave its cultural and literary representations undertheorized. Jaspreet Singh’s Helium (2013), serving as a cultural archive, delves into the haunting legacies of this genocide, highlighting its role in memorializing historical loss. Applying hauntology and Agamben’s homo sacer, this article investigates how spectral wounds reveal dystopic violence, excluding Sikhs from legal protection.

The Kaurs of 1984. Quint Documentary.

Jugni in Music

In the literal sense, jugni means female firefly, which is derived from jugnu, meaning firefly. Metaphorically though jugni means much more. Jugni has often been used by singers and writers to share stories, traveling through time and space, to address societal grievances, political messages. She is spiritual and revolutionary. She is able transcend time and transform herself in every generation. But where did she originate from? According to Aashish Kochhar one possibility is:

No…in 1908, when the British were celebrating the golden jubilee of the British Raj, Bishna and Manda, being illiterate couldn’t pronounce ‘Jubilee’, and called it ‘Jugni’ instead. Or so the story goes. That’s how ‘Jugni’ found its way into the world of Punjabi folk music.

The modern version of jugni though is associated with Alam Lohar, the Pakistani Punjabi singer. Born in 1928 in Gujrat to a family of Blacksmiths (Lohar), he started reciting/singing Sufiana Kalaam, a collection of Punjabi stories and poetry from a young age. His son Arif Lohar continued in his footsteps. Below are both versions of Jugni by Alam and Arif Lohar, both spiritual and popular, and both connecting with different generations.

“Ae way Allah waliyan di Jugni Ji

Ae way nabi pak di Jugni Ji

Ae way Maula Ali wali Jugni Ji

Ae way mere peer di Jugni Ji

Ae way saaray saba di Jugni Ji”

(Jugni is the spirit of God

Jugni is the spirit of the Holy Prophet

Jugni is the spirit of Ali and his followers

Jugni is the spirit of my saints

She is the spirit of all His words)

In 2004 the Indian Punjabi singer, Rabbi Shergil released began to blend the Punjabi folk tradition with acoustic rock, offering a new unique style.

In 2008, jugni was reinvented for Hindi film Oye Lucky Lucky Oye. This is one the first modern films to popularise/depict jugni. Others include: Tanu Weds Manu (2011), Saheb Biwi Aur Gangster (2011), Cocktail (2012), Saheb, Biwi Aur Gangster Returns (2013), Queen (2013), Kaatru Veliyidai, (2017).

In 2011 Jugni, a Pakistani Punjabi-language film, was released. The film revolves around the main character of Jugni, and brought folk singer Arif Lohar back on the silver screen after eleven years.

In 2013 the Nooran Sisters performed a powerful rendition at the Nakodar Mela. Sultana Nooran (b. 1992) and Jyoti Nooran (b. 1994) are from Jalandhar and born to family of Sufi musicians. They gained wider popularity through contributions to Bollywood music, craving out a niche space for their strong and distinct style.

One of the latest incarnations is by global Punjabi singer Dailjit Dosanjh featuring Tanzanian artist, Diamond Platnumz, who has a big following in East Africa. The 2022 collaboration is interesting and strategic given the South Asian connections with East Africa. The music/lyrics present a very seamless fusion of Punjabi and Swahili.

There are many other versions, and these are just some of the different incarnations of Jugni in Punjabi popular culture. Read further:

  • Aashish Kochar, ‘Jugni: A Punjabi Folk Narrative Lives On’, Peepul Tree Stories, 30 September 2020
  • Hasnain Kazmi, Syed Shabihul. “Jugni, dhola and mahiya: Comparing three genres of punjabi folklore.” Pakistan Perspectives 25, no. 2 (2020).
  • AMIR, MARIA. “Chapter Twelve Generation Jugni: Mapping The Influence Of Folklore.” A Cartographic Journey of Race, Gender and Power: Global Identity 149 (2021).
  • Parmar, Prabhjot, and Amandeep Kaur. “2 Kisan Protests in Punjab 1907–2021.” Agrarian Reform and Farmer Resistance in Punjab: Mobilization and Resilience (2022).

Ludhiana and Lyallpur: A tale of two cities

I was preparing for a forthcoming History conference in Lyallpur when I started browsing and jumped from one rabbit hole to another. Sometimes research is like that, you need to explore and get lost in the lanes of history to find something. I did get the inspiration I wanted but I also ended up with more information than I needed. Amongst all of this is a list of some well-known people who were born in Ludhiana or Lyallpur. I was more interested in the direct links between these cities and the people that migrated between these two, as my I have a long-standing research and personal interest in both cities. However, those links were not always present, but it is still interesting to see the kind of people who emerged from these localities and migrated following the Partition.

Ludhiana and Lyallpur were in fact only small towns before Partition, and interestingly both have iconic colonial clock towers in the town centre; both are important industrial textile hubs in the region; both had 62% ‘other’ populations prior to 1947 (according to the 1941 census, 62% Muslims lived in Ludhiana and 62% Sikhs/Hindus in Lyallpur); and finally, both function as important diasporic cities in contemporary Punjab(s).

Typically I tried to find women, but sadly the list of people is mostly male bar two! I hope to continue adding to the list as I find more people or please leave a comment if you know any other people with Ludhiana-Lyallpur links.

Note: the source for the information below is mainly through browsing and do not claim it as my own work. I have only selected a people I was interested in and that were born before 1947 and migrated following the Partition.

From Ludhiana…

Abu Anees Muhammad Barkat Ali Ludhianvi (1911 – 1997) was a Muslim Sufi who belonged to the Qadiri spiritual order. He was the founder of the non-political, non-profit, religious organisation, Dar-ul-Ehsan. Abu Anees’s followers spread all around the world and especially in Pakistan. He was born in Ludhiana where his father was a landlord.

Agha Ali Abbas Qizilbash also known as Agha Talish, (1923 –1998) was a Pakistani actor who made his debut in 1947 and was mostly known and recognized in Pakistan for playing character actor or villain roles. Talish was honoured by a Pride of Performance award, by the Government of Pakistan in 1989. Talish was born in Ludhiana, and his breakthrough film in Pakistan was film producer Saifuddin Saif’s Saat Lakh (1957) where his on-screen performance for this popular hit song was widely admired, Yaaro Mujhe Maaf Rakho Mein Nashe Mein Hoon.

Ajaz Anwar (1946-) is a Pakistani painter. He was a gold medalist at Punjab University, and he completed his M.A. in Fine Arts from Punjab University. Later, he went to teach at National College of Arts Lahore. His watercolour paintings show the grandeur of the old buildings and the cultural life in Lahore. Born in Ludhiana in 1946, his father was a cartoonist who apparently had stirred his passion from childhood and from whom he drew his inspiration.

Anwar Ali (1922-2004) was a Pakistani Editorial Newspaper Cartoonist in Pakistan Times based in Lahore. Anwar Ali was the creator of famous character Nanna, was the first newspaper cartoonist associated with The Pakistan Times. He was born in Ludhiana, where he spent his childhood. He did his BA from Government College Ludhiana.

Chaudhary Abdul Hayee Gujjar (1921 – 1980), popularly known by his pen name Sahir Ludhianvi, was an Indian poet who wrote primarily in Urdu in addition to Hindi. He is regarded as one of the greatest film lyricists and poets of twentieth century India. Sahir was born in Karimpura, Ludhiana to a Punjabi Muslim Gujjar family.

Habib-ur-Rehman Ludhianvi (1892 – 1956) was one of the founders of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam. He belonged to an Arain (tribe) and was a direct lineal descendant of Shah Abdul Qadir Ludhianvi, the freedom fighter against British Colonial rule during the Indian Rebellion of 1857. He chose to stay back in Ludhiana to continue representing the thousands of Muslims still remaining there after the partition in August 1947. The ancestral masjid in Field Ganj still exists today.

Hameed Akhtar (1923 – 2011), was a newspaper columnist, writer, journalist and the secretary-general of the Progressive Writers Association in Pakistan. He was also the father of TV actresses Saba Hameed, Huma Hameed and Lalarukh Hameed. He finished his basic education in Ludhiana and was a childhood friend of renowned poets Sahir Ludhianvi and Ibn-e-Insha

Munawar Sultana (1924- 1995) was born in Ludhiana and was a Pakistani radio and film singer. She is known for vocalizing first ever hit Lollywood songs like, “Mainu Rab Di Soun Tere Naal Piyar Ho Gya” (Film: Pheray 1949), “Wastae Rab Da Tu Jaanvi We Kabootra” (Film: Dulla Bhatti 1956),and “Ae Qaid-e-Azam, Tera Ehsan Hay, Ehsan” (Film: Bedari 1957).

Saadat Hasan Manto (1912 – 1955) was a Pakistani writer, playwright and author who was active in British India and later, after the 1947 partition of India, in Pakistan. Saadat Hassan Manto was born in Paproudi village of Samrala, in Ludhiana district to a Muslim family of barristers. Ethnically the family were Kashmiri.

From Lyallpur

Grahanandan Nandy Singh (1926 – 2014) was an Indian field hockey player who won two gold medals, at the 1948 and 1952 Summer Olympics. There is a documentary film on the team by Bani Singh titled, ‘Taangh/Longing’. Singh began playing hockey while studying at the Government College in Lahore, serving as captain of their hockey team in 1945 and 1946. After the Partition, he moved to Calcutta and played for Bengal when he was selected to the 1948 Indian Olympic team.

Harnam Singh Rawail (1921 – 2004), often credited as H. S. Rawail, was an Indian filmmaker. He debuted as a director with the 1940 Bollywood film Dorangia Daku and is best known for romantic films like Mere Mehboob (1963), Sunghursh (1968), Mehboob Ki Mehndi (1971) and Laila Majnu (1976). Rawail was born in Lyallpur and moved to Mumbai to become a filmmaker.

Inderjeet Singh (1926 –2023), also known as Imroz, was an Indian visual artist and poet. He was the partner of the poet, novelist, and writer Amrita Pritam, and they lived together until Amrita’s death in 2005. Inderjeet Singh was born in Chak number 36, Lyallpur.

Jagjit Singh Lyallpuri (1917 –2013) was an Indian politician. He was the oldest surviving member of the founding Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Prior to the Partition of India, Lyallpuri’s family owned roughly 150–180 acres in Lyallpur. The family moved to Ludhiana following the Partition.

Jaswant Rai Sharma (1928 –2017), popularly known by his pen name Naqsh Lyallpuri, was an Indian ghazal and Bollywood film lyricist. He is best known for the songs “Rasm-e-Ulfat Ko Nibhayen” (Dil Ki Rahen, 1973), “Ulfat Mein Zamaane Ki” (Call Girl, 1974), “Tumhe Ho Na Ho” (Gharonda, 1977), “Yeh Mulaqaat Ek Bahana Hai ” (Khandaan, 1979), “Pyar Ka Dard Hai” (Dard, 1981), and “Chitthiye Ni Dard Firaaq Vaaliye” (Henna, 1991). He was born in Lyallpur to a Punjabi Brahmin family, where his father was a mechanical engineer.

Lal Chand Yamla Jatt (1910 – 1991) was a noted Indian folk singer in the Punjabi-language. His trademark was his soft strumming of the tumbi and his turban tying style known traditionally as “Turla”. Many consider him to be the pinnacle of the Punjabi music and an artist who arguably laid the foundation of contemporary Punjabi music in India. He was born to Khera Ram and Harnam Kaur in Chak No. 384, Lyallpur. After partition, they relocated to the Jawahar Nagar, Ludhiana.

Prithviraj Kapoor (1906 –1972) was an Indian actor who is also considered to be one of the founding figures of Hindi cinema. He was associated with Indian People’s Theatre Association as one of its founding members and established the Prithvi Theatres in 1944 as a travelling theatre company based in Bombay. He was born in Samundri into a Punjabi Hindu Khatri family. His father, Dewan Basheshwarnath Kapoor, was a police officer in the Indian Imperial Police. His grandfather, Dewan Keshavmal Kapoor, and his great-grandfather, Dewan Murli Mal Kapoor, were Tehsildars in Samundri near Lyallpur.

Romesh Chandra (1919 – 2016) was a leader of the Communist Party of India (CPI). He took part in the Indian independence struggle as student leader of CPI after joining it in 1939. He held various posts within the party. He became president of the World Peace Council in 1977. He was born in Lyallpur and got his degree in Lahore and another one from Cambridge.

S.D. Narang (1918-1986) was born in Lyallpur. He was a director and producer, known for Dilli Ka Thug (1958), Anmol Moti (1969) and Shehnai (1964). He graduated in Biology from Government College, Lahore and did his MBBS from King Medical Collage, Lahore.

Sunder Singh Lyallpuri (1878 – 1969) was a leading Sikh member of the Indian independence movement, a general of the Akali Movement, an educationist, and journalist. Lyallpuri played a key role in the development of the Shiromani Akali Dal, and in the Gurdwara Reform Movement of the early 1920s and also founding member of Central Sikh League.

Teji Harivansh Rai Srivastava Bachchan (1914 – 2007) was an Indian social activist, the wife of Hindi poet Harivansh Rai Bachchan and mother of Bollywood actor Amitabh Bachchan. Teji was Born into a Punjabi Sikh Khatri family in Lyallpur.

The Tradition of Pearl Diving

During a recent trip to Doha, I found myself intrigued by the history of pearl diving. I must admit I knew little about this and it turned out to be one of the oldest professions in Qatar, dating back to around 4,600 BCE. Before the discovery of oil and gas, the inhabitants of the Gulf’s Arab coast relied on diving for natural pearls as their economic livelihood. Pearls from the Gulf were traded to India, Persia, and the Ottoman Empire. In the mid-19th century, the pearl industry rapidly expanded to meet the global demand as pearls became a precious and much sought-after luxury item.

It was typically the male member of the family who would go out during the pearling season, which was usually during the four summer months. The women stayed back, managing the household and all the associated work. The boats departed from ports like Manama, Doha, Dubai, and Abu Dhabi. Divers, sailors, and “pullers” (who brought divers up from the seabed) participated. Advances were often given to crews by boat captains (nakhudas), who financed the season. Pearl merchants (tawawish) paid nakhudas upon pearl delivery.

The work itself was perilous and dangerous; it was technical and incredibly hard work, where some of the divers never made it back home. The pearl divers endured many obstacles, from the burning sun to the treacherous waters. Many men would stay in one ship cramped together for months to sustain their families. During their dives, they would hold their breaths with the help of a nose peg for up to two minutes at a depth of up to 18 metres. This is no mean feat!

Interestingly the museums made some comparison of this work with the discovery of oil. Both relied heavily on labour who were separated from their families for long periods. It was hard and arduous, gruelling in the summer heat, but necessary to sustain livelihoods and family life in the desert where there few other alternatives. The beneficiaries typically were a handful of people, whether this was from the pearl industry or “black gold.” From the 1920s, with the discovery of oil, pearl diving itself began to decline and led many divers to leave the profession.

At the same time, countries such as Japan, began cultivating pearls, leading to a decline in the Arabian trade. These cultured pearls became more abundant and affordable than the Gulf-harvested pearls. The pearl fishing fleets shrank, and towns’ populations dwindled. But despite this, it remains an integral part of Qatar’s national heritage. If you ever visit Doha, you will you’ll find nods to Qatar’s pearl diving past throughout the capital city, including the dhow boats at the harbour, traditionally used for collecting pearls; the pearl sculpture at Corniche which is an open oyster shell statue with a pearl inside; or then the artificially built Pearl Island which exudes modernity, technological advancement, while paying homage to the past.

The preservation of this heritage can also be gleaned from the traditional pearl diving songs. The songs blend elements from Bedouin, East African, Persian and Indian styles, creating a rich and diverse musical heritage. They evoke the spirit of the sea, resilience, and the camaraderie of pearl divers. It is often through this orality that one can still get a sense and appreciate the past.

Read more: The Tradition of Pearl Diving

Photos: Pearl diving tradition being kept alive in Qatar

Chandni Chowk: the spirit of the Ganga-Jumna Tehzeeb

I recently had the opportunity to revisit an old favourite place of mine, Purani Dilli, with a friend. Old Delhi, despite the wider socio-economic and political changes emanating from neighbouring New Delhi, retains much of its previous charm of being a vibrant and colourfully diverse locality. The constellations around Chandni Chowk and the labyrinth of narrow lanes overflowing with people, trade, and character, fill the hearts and bellies of locals and tourists alike. There are of course signs of change where the old meets the new, and reinvention is indeed necessary for survival. In this endeavour, the main thoroughfare has been pedestrianised, but cycle rickshaws and people continue to jostle for space. You can buy almost anything from here, it is a complete eco-system of co-existence.

History of the area

It was Shahjahan (r. 1628 –1658), the fifth great Mughal, who ordered his famous chief architect Ustad Ahmad Lahori (who also designed the Taj Mahal) to build this then-walled city between 1638 and 1649, which contained the imposing red sandstone fortress of Lal Qila and the Chandni Chowk, the main street. Shahjahanabad (abode of Shah Jahan), or as it is more popularly known as Purani Dilli/Old Delhi, refers to that walled city where the Mughal court, army, and household moved from Fatehpur Sikri in 1648, which then become the heartbeat and commercial centre of the empire.

Biswas (2018) notes that the city developed along an “organic street pattern…with signature characteristics such as different activities and trades, clusters of houses based on closeness and common interests and social ties, which it still depicts today. The lanes and the streets were designed for an easy movement of pedestrians and animal driven vehicles, which today have been taken over by two- wheelers, electronic and manual rickshaws…”

It remained the capital of the Mughals in India until the Revolt of 1857, by when the East India Company and afterwards the British Crown Rule had shifted the seat of power to Calcutta, only to return back to Delhi in 1911, where they too commenced with the construction of a new modern administrative headquarters designed by Edwin Lutyens and Herbert Baker, which was formally inaugurated in 1931. To distinguish between these two empires and spaces, the older city became Old Delhi and New Delhi become the new citadel with its palatial bungalows and manicured wide streets. Since 2019, the current BJP Government has commenced another phase of construction with the Central Vista Project led by a team under Bimal Patel. We can therefore see layer upon layer, phase after phase of architectural stamping, ushering in its own ideological imprint.

The Walled City

For nostalgia, a bygone era and character, especially for a historian, nothing matches Purani Dilli. The walled city brings with it rich heritage, historic buildings and the intimate liveliness of a small community.

Jain (2004) observes that “The Red Fort, Jama masjid and Chandni Chowk have been jewels in the crown of Shahjahanabad. Chandni Chowk is the centrepiece and dominant axis of the Walled City. The original Chandni Chowk had octagonal chowks with a water channel running through the centre. Its wide boulevard with prestigious buildings and bazar created a vista between the magnificent Red Fort and Fatehpuri Mosque. With the passage of time there has been an all-round degradation and deterioration of this glorious boulevard, which can be attributed to several reasons, like over-crowding, markets, wholesale trade, rickshaws and traffic, unauthorised constructions, conversion of heritage buildings, over-riding commercial interests and private motives, coupled with lack of controls.”

Composite culture

There are plenty of people who organise various walking tours of Old Delhi, as it attracts tourists from abroad and locals via the metro that has opened up the space that perhaps looked challenging before. My visit was an impromptu trip, I had some time and thought it would be nice to revisit this area after many years. I had planned to visit the Gurdwara, the Masjid and the Parathe wali gali! As I burnt off the parathas, the striking multi-faith milieu mingling into multi-cuisine eateries, left the heart warmed.

Biswas (2018) provides a detailed summary of the rich diversity present in Chandni Chowk. “In the northern sphere of the city, are the St. James’ Church (the oldest church in the city of Delhi), St. Mary’s Church, remains of Kashmiri Gate, Dara Shikoh’s library, the Lahori gate. In the southern part of the city, the key highlights are the Kalan Masjid, Ajmeri Gate, Holy Trinity Church, Razia Sultan’s grave, Turkman Gate, Havelis of Kucha Pati Ram, Anglo-Arabic School. With these divisions, the centre of the walled city is adorned with the harmonious street of Chandni Chowk, where the sacred spaces or the worship places of all major religions are located and co-exist amicably…The built heritage of the walled city comprises the grand Jama Masjid, the glorious Red Fort and many beautiful Jain temples of the two sects, numerous Hindu temples devoted to a multitude of gods, the Gurudwaras, the churches, the madrassas, the havelis of the Mughal and the post- Mughal era, still survive [ing] against their slaughter at the hands of the modernity.”

Undoubtedly the area has undergone change during the past 400 years, with each reign adding and leaving new layers. The walled city with the Qila and Masjid was the centre piece of the Mughal court, until the British transformed the former into military barracks. The British period marked by the revolt of 1857 saw vast areas being razed to the ground, some places only surviving due to the resultant outrage. With the birth of independent India in 1947, there was again vast destruction, loss of life and mass migration of people. The new contemporary socio-political anxieties mean we are perhaps less sure about the role of these places as they are confined to the past, while we celebrate and sell their associated heritage in the present. The Delhi Government is trying to beautify and make this a tourist hub, but that too must compete with conflicting agendas of the future. But for now, the spirit and roots of the Ganga-Jamuna Tehzeeb are quietly visible.

References and further reading:

Rana Safvi, Shahjahanabad: The Living City of Old Delhi, (HarperCollins India, 2020)

Swapna Liddle, Chandni Chowk: The Mughal City of Old Delhi, (Speaking Tiger, 2017)

Payushi Goel, Foram Bhavsar ‘Evaluating the Vitality of an Indian Market Street: The Case of Chandni Chowk, Delhi’ in Utpal Sharma, R. Parthasarathy, Dr Aparna (eds), Future is Urban: Liveability, Resilience & Resource Conservation (Routledge, 2023)

A.K. Jain, ‘Regeneration And Renewal Of Old Delhi (Shahjahanabad)’ ITPI Journal 1: 2 (2004) 29-38

Anukriti Gupta, ‘The Revolutionaries of Chandni Chowk’, 3 July 2021

Chitralekha, ‘In Paintings: Chandni Chowk of Delhi’, 21 January 2021

Jyoti Pandey Sharma, ‘Spatialising Leisure: Colonial Punjab’s Public Parks as a Paradigm of Modernity’, Tekton 1: 1 (2014) 14-30

Olivia Biswas ‘A Heart City: Celebrating The Pulsating Lifestyles Of The Walled City Of Delhi’ The 2018 WEI International Academic Conference Proceedings, Niagara Falls, Canada

Delhi Heritage Walks https://blog.delhiheritagewalks.com/category/heritage-walks/chandni-chowk-heritage-walks/

Leap of faith

It has been a while since I’ve had a chance to post something substantial on my Blog, for the pressures of term-time mean that there are few opportunities to sit down and ponder. However, today was 29th February and I wanted to post something, even if something small. I got my inspiration this morning, when I opened my email to find an editorial on the various Lit.Fests taking place in Pakistan recently, but hidden within this was a lament about women’s position in Pakistan and their battle against “suffocating patriarchy”. On the other hand, here in the UK, I was always told that on the 29th February, women can propose marriage! 

While there are hardly any bars on women proposing marriage on any other day of the year, traditionally this was considered here the “man’s” job/role. To be honest, I had never looked into where this myth came from, until today, when to my surprise, I discovered that this comes from a 5th century Irish tradition, also known as Ladies’ Privilege or Bachelor’s Day. The legend is that Saint Brigid of Kildare complained to Saint Patrick that women sometimes had to wait too long to marry because the men were too slow! In response, Saint Patrick decreed that on the extra day of a leap year, women could propose to men.

As we bid farewell to February, and welcome March, we will also celebrate international women’s day. The lived reality is that wherever you are, there is discrimination, oppression, intolerance, and worse. Take a leap of faith and believe in yourself, be the change you want to see. 

Leap Year Poem
BY MOTHER GOOSE
Thirty days hath September,
April, June and November.
All the rest have thirty-one,
Excepting February alone,
And that has twenty-eight days clear
And twenty-nine in each leap year.

Top Post in 2023

I hope you have been enjoying the photos and blog pieces from 2023. I hope to more productive in 2024 and look forward to sharing more pieces. Please leave any comments/feedback about the Blog below.

  1. Ajj Aakhaan Waris Shah Nu By Amrita Pritam
  2. Poetry Corner: Lahore
  3. Mein Tenu Phir Milangi – I will meet you yet again by Amrita Pritam
  4. How the Photographs of Margaret Bourke-White became the Images of Partition.
  5. 1881: the first full census in British India
  6. The Status of Punjabi after 1947
  7. 70 years ago: extracts of the Sunderlal Report, Hyderabad 1948.
  8. I Come From There by Mahmoud Darwish
  9. Two villages, two nations: Ganda Singh Wala-Hussainiwala
  10. Sahir Ludhianvi and the anguish of Nehruvian India