Tag Archives: Punjab

1881: the first full census in British India

As we completed the Census 2021 in the UK today, it made me think back to the first Census that was undertaken in British India in 1881. Actually, the first full census was supposed to take place in 1861 but due to the rebellion of 1857-9 and “due to the sensitivity which the British had developed to what, at least in North India, might be constructed as undue interference in the life of the people, the census was postponed until 1871-2” (Cohn, 324). In 1987, Bernard Cohn was perhaps one of the first to put forward the argument that the colonial census played an important role in constructing identities, thinking about their own numerical strength and the possibilities that this presented in a competitive imperial state.

“The actual taking of the census was a two-step affair. Enumerators were appointed by circle supervisors, who were usually government officials. Supervisors were patwaris, zamindars, schoolteachers, or anyone who was literate. They were given a form with columns on which was to be entered information about every member of a household. The information to be collected was name, religion (e.g., Hindu, Muslim), sect, caste, subdivision of caste, sex, age, marital status, language, birthplace, means of subsistence, education, language in which literate, and infirmities. There was a one-month period before the actual date of the census in which the enumerator was to fill in the forms, and then on the day of the census he was to check the information with the head of the household. As an aid to achieving standardization in the recording of information on caste and subcaste, lists were prepared as early as the 1881 census which gave standard names with variations for the castes. The supervisors were supposed to instruct the enumerators in how to classify responses. The lists of castes were alphabetically arranged giving information on where they were to be found and containing very brief notes” (Cohn, 329).

Cohn notes that the most “complex” and problematic question for the census takers was on the issue of caste. He references the work of Srinivas and Ghurye who raised important questions about the relationship between the census and caste, putting forward the question, why did the British officials record the caste of individuals? Was it perhaps curiosity or part of a design by the British? That is, as some nationalist Indians believed, “to keep alive, if not to exacerbate, the numerous divisions already present in Indian society” (Cohn, 327). The second question is to what extent did the census effect people’s notion of who they were? There arguments and connection have subsequently been advanced by many others about the importance of the census in creating and essentialising identities at a time when communalism was taking root. This period of enormous socio-economic change, and politicisation of identities is further entrenched with the enumeration of people and which religion they belong to. Kenneth Jones, in his work on the socio-religious reform movements in British India, highlights that fact that

“Traditionally, Hinduism lacked a conversion ritual. After the introduction of a decennial census in 1871, religious leaders began to focus their attention on the issue of numerical strength. For Hindus the census reports pictured their community as one in decline, its numbers falling in proportion to those of other religions. Christian success in converting the lower and untouchable castes furthered Hindu fears and led the militant Aryas to develop their own ritual of conversion, shuddhi. Initially shuddhi was employed to purify and readmit Hindus who had converted to Islam or Christianity” (Jones, 100).

Indeed, Gopal Krishan, in his study on the demography of the Punjab, highlights that

“The most fascinating demographic feature of the colonial Punjab was the religious composition of its population. While it represented an evolution of a cultural diversity in history, it became a new and divisive force in polity over time. It was on the basis of religion that the British India was partitioned; and more pertinently the partition was specific to only two provinces, Punjab and Bengal. These two provinces were marked by not only a sensitive composition of the Muslims and non-Muslims (essentially Hindus and Sikhs in the case of Punjab) but also by regional segregation of the two religious’ groups, by and large. In Bengal, the Muslims were in overwhelming majority in the eastern segment and the non-Muslims in its western counterpart; in Punjab, the picture was in reverse, with the Muslims in a large majority in the western wing and the non-Muslims in the eastern” (Krishna, 83).

When it finally came to the Partition in 1947, Sir Cyril Radcliffe was using what are considered to be out-dated figures from the Census conducted during World War Two in 1941. However, the lines between two countries were drawn based on this information.

Bhagat Ram B. ‘Census enumeration, religious identity and communal polarization in India.’ Asian Ethnicity, 2013, 14:4, 434-448, DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2012.710079

Bhagat, Ram B. ‘Census and the Construction of Communalism in India.’ Economic and Political Weekly (2001): 4352-4356.

Bhagat, Ram B. ‘Caste Census: Looking Back, Looking Forward.’ Economic and Political Weekly 42, no. 21 (2007): 1902-905. Accessed March 21, 2021. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4419628.

Cohn, Bernard. ‘The Census, Social Structure and Objectification in South Asia’, in Sarkar, Sumit, and Tanika Sarkar. Caste in Modern India (Orient Blackswan, 2018).

Jones, Kenneth W. Socio-religious reform movements in British India. Vol. 1. Cambridge University Press, 1989.

Krishan, Gopal. ‘Demography of the Punjab (1849-1947).’ Journal of Punjab Studies, 11, no. 1 (2004): 77-89

Singh, Joginder. ‘The Sikhs in the British Census Reports, Punjab.’ Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 46 (1985): 502-06. Accessed March 21, 2021. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44141395.

Yengde, Suraj. ‘Adivasis are not Hindus. Lazy colonial census gave them the label.’ The Print, 9 March 2021.

The 1881 Census is digitized and available via: The Government of India or Digital South Asia Library.

The Incredible Story of Nek Chand Rock Gardens, India

This account has rekindled memories of visiting the Rock Gardens in Chandigarh. I have pre-digital age photographs and will share those on my blog but this is a wonderful piece on the unique history of Nek Chand.

The Nek Chand Rock Gardens had been on our radar for a long time before we finally made it there. Located in the city of Chandigarh, at the foot of …

The Incredible Story of Nek Chand Rock Gardens, India

Revolution in their blood

Harinder Bindu and Sonia Mann have become prominent faces at the ongoing farmers’ movement. Both Bindu and Mann’s fathers were gunned down by Khalistanis during the militancy in Punjab, in the early 1990s. “What does this society think of women? This society’s Manusmriti, its religious institutions, and its other institutions, they think that ‘Women have no wisdom. They should be kept under our shoes,’” Bindu said. “But we say ‘No.’ Women are equal to men and they too have the right to struggle. For a life of equality, for a good life, they should fight.” “They [the government] are the ones operating like terrorists,” Mann said. “They are the ones shooting cold water [from water canons] at us and our elders, throwing tear gas at them, and hurting them [elders].” Shahid Tantray reports. Camera by CK Vijayakumar and Tantray. #FarmersProtest

The Punjab Peasant: past & present literature

The Trolley Times has been launched recently by a group of four youngsters at the Singhu border. The idea was conceived by Ajaypal Natt from Mansa, along with Surmeet Mavi, Gurdeep Singh and Narinder Bhinder. The YouTube interview provides an insight into how the idea was developed, its purpose of reaching out and communicating with people who do not have smart phones and are not connected to social media. Moreover, telecom signals around protest areas are typically suppressed to slow down exchanges and mainstream electronic/print media in India is better known as “godi media”, not just unsympathetic to the thousands currently protesting against the farmers laws brought in September but simply the government’s voice. The first issue of the Trolley Times “carried Bhagat Singh’s quote on struggle; photographs from the centre of the struggle; story of a woman farmer, Gurmail Kaur, who died during the protest; some works of art and the lead article gave the message of unity, struggle and victory. ” The Tribune

The list below provides some references for reading further about the Punjab peasant in a historical context, focusing on some of its radical moments. The region was one of the last to be annexed by the British in the subcontinent in 1849, and subsequently underwent phenomenal transformation with their development of the canal colonies from 1885 onward. Punjab was divided and sub-divided following the Partition of 1947 but agriculture has remained at the core of Punjabi culture and identity.

  1. Ali, Imran. The Punjab under imperialism, 1885-1947. Vol. 923. Princeton University Press, 2014.
  2. Barrier, Norman G. “The formulation and enactment of the Punjab alienation of land bill.” The Indian Economic & Social History Review 2, no. 2 (1965): 145-165.
  3. Bhardwaj, Ajay. Filmmaker and Artist – http://ajaybhardwaj.in/films/
  4. Chattha, Tohid Ahmad, Abdul Qadir Mushtaq, Sumera Safdar, and Khizar Jawad. “Historical Perspective of Kirti Kisan Party and its Politics in colonial Punjab.” Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan 55, no. 1 (2018).
  5. Chopra, Radhika. Militant and Migrant: The Politics and Social History of Punjab. Routledge, 2012.
  6. Darling, Malcolm Lyall. Punjab peasant in prosperity and debt. Humphrey Milford, London, 1925.
  7. Deol, Amrit. “Workers and Peasants Unite: The Formation of Kirti and the Kirti-Kisan Party and the Lasting Legacy of the Ghadar Movement.” Journal of Sikh and Punjab Studies, 26, no. 1&2: 250.
  8. Gajrani, S. “Role of Kirti Kisan Party in Agrarian Movement (1927-35).” Constitutional Schemes and Political Development in India: Towards Transfer of Power 2 (1994): 463.
  9. Gill, Sucha Singh. “The farmers’ movement and agrarian change in the green revolution belt of North‐West India.” The Journal of Peasant Studies 21, no. 3-4 (1994): 195-211.
  10. Highfield, Jonathan. “Finding the voice of the peasant: Agriculture, neocolonialism and Mulk Raj Anand’s Punjab Trilogy’.” Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities 1, no. 2 (2009): 115-133.
  11. Islam, M. Mufakharul. “The Punjab land alienation act and the professional moneylenders.” Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (1995): 271-291.
  12. Jodhka, Surinder S. “Beyond ‘crises’: rethinking contemporary Punjab agriculture.” Economic and Political Weekly (2006): 1530-1537.
  13. Josh, Sohan Singh. Baba Sohan Singh Bhakna: Life of the Founder of the Ghadar Party. New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1970.
  14. Kalra, Virinder S., and Shalini Sharma, eds. State of Subversion: Radical Politics in Punjab in the 20th Century. Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
  15. Kalra, Virinder S., and Waqas M. Butt. “‘In one hand a pen in the other a gun’: Punjabi language radicalism in Punjab, Pakistan.” South Asian History and Culture 4, no. 4 (2013): 538-553.
  16. Kessinger, Tom G. Vilyatpur, 1848-1968: Social and Economic Change in a North Indian Village. Vol. 19. University of California Press, 1974.
  17. Mukherjee, Mridula. “Some Aspects of Agrarian Structure of Punjab 1925-47.” Economic and Political Weekly (1980): A46-A58.
  18. Mukherjee, Mridula. “Peasant Protest in Punjab: Forms of Struggle and Mobilization.” In Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol. 59, pp. 812-823. Indian History Congress, 1998.
  19. Mukherjee, Mridula. Colonizing agriculture: the myth of Punjab exceptionalism. Sage, 2005. 
  20. Raza, Ali. “Provincializing the International: Communist Print Worlds in Colonial India.” In History Workshop Journal, vol. 89, pp. 140-153. Oxford Academic, 2020.
  21. Sharma, Shalini. Radical Politics in Colonial Punjab: Governance and Sedition. Routledge, 2009.
  22. Singh, Nazer. “The Anti-British Movements from Gadar Lehar to Kirti Kisan Lehar.” PhD Diss., Punjabi University, Patiala, 2011.
  23. Talbot, Ian. “The Punjab Under Colonialism: Order and Transformation in British India.” Journal of Punjab Studies 14, no. 1 (2011): 4.
  24. Tandon, Prakash. Punjabi Saga:1857-2000. Rupa, 2000.

This is not an exhaustive list, so please do share any other references in the comments.

How British brought knitting to Punjab by Jasvinder Kaur

(c) Pippa Virdee 2018

Read this fascinating article by Jasvinder Kaur in The Tribune on the history of knitting in Punjab.

It is hard to believe that knitting, a favourite pastime of women in the subcontinent during winter, came to India only during the British Raj. Christian missionaries helped in spreading this skill as girls were taught knitting in schools. Gradually, it became popular among women and replaced spinning as more people starting wearing hand-knitted sweaters and socks.

In the 19th century, people in Punjab were not in the habit of wearing sweaters, even when it was really cold in the winter. The wealthy preferred Pashmina shawls and the poor used woollen lois — for wrapping around oneself, as well as for bedding. Baden Powell (in 1872) writes, ‘It is a remarkable fact that in the plains during the cold weather natives do not like woollen goods, it is only the poorer class that resorts to kambal or blanket. Everyone who could afford it, much prefers wearing several thicknesses of cotton cloth and coats padded with cotton wool are universally worn.’

Sir George Watt and Percy Brown also expressed similar thoughts in 1904 that, in general, cotton, rather than wool, was preferred throughout India. This has also been corroborated by other writers and gazetteers of the period. Hand-spun khaddar was thicker and warmer than mill-made cotton and women used it to stitch their suits. Men often used a khes as a wrap instead of a warm chaddar. This practice was common in Punjab even in the 1990s and might still be prevalent at certain places by the older generation.

Read full article: https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/punjab/how-british-brought-knitting-to-punjab-177371

Kisaan Di Kahaani

1984: Who are the Guilty?

Report of a joint inquiry into the causes and impact of the riots in Delhi from 31 October to 10 November 1984. Published jointly by Gobinda Mukhoty, President, PUDR, 213, Jor Bagh, New Delhi- 110003 AND Rajni Kothari, President, PUCL, 1, Court Road, Delhi – 110054. November 1984

Following the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh Bodyguards on 31 October 1984, parts of Delhi, North India and other areas with Sikh populations became engulfed in an anti-Sikh pogrom. From 31 October to 3 November 1984 in the national capital, organised violence against the Sikh community was unleashed, unlike anything it had witnessed previously since the anti-Muslim carnage of September 1947. The ‘official’ claim later was that 2,800 Sikhs were killed in Delhi and 3,350 elsewhere in the country. However, independent sources suggest a much high figure. Among these, one of the first to come out was this fact-finding report by political scientist Rajni Kothari of the People’s Union For Civil Liberties and Gobinda Mukhoty of the People’s Union for Democratic Rights, which investigated the murders, looting and rioting that took place during those 10 days and published it later the same month. It starkly concluded that:

…the attacks on members of the Sikh Community in Delhi and its suburbs during the period, far from being a spontaneous expression of “madness” and of popular “grief and anger” at Mrs. Gandhi’s assassination, as made out to be by the authorities, were the outcome of a well organised plan marked by acts of both deliberate commissions and omissions by important politicians of the Congress (I) at the top and by authorities in the administration. Although there was indeed popular shock, grief and anger, the violence that followed was the handiwork of a determined group which was inspired by different sentiments altogether.

Further reading:

Manoj, Mitta & H S Phoolka. When a tree shook Delhi: the 1984 carnage and its aftermath. Lotus. 2007.

Mukhopadhyay, Nilanjan. Sikhs: The Untold Agony of 1984. Westland, 2015.

Pandey, Gyanendra. “Partition and Independence in Delhi: 1947-48.” Economic and Political Weekly (1997): 2261-2272.

Suri, Sanjay. 1984: The Anti-Sikh Riots and After. HarperCollins, 2015.

The Lost Empire: Gujranwala — Noor Rathore

Just discovered this Blog by Noor Rathore, beautiful mix of text and pictures.

A story that was passed on from generation to generation, almost lost through the passage of time gets a modern retelling.

The Lost Empire: Gujranwala — Noor Rathore